Friday, May 25, 2012

झारखंड के आदिवासी समाज सुनाता है मृत्युदंड की सजा


शैलेन्द्र सिन्हा

झारखंड के आदिवासी समाज में आज भी परंपरागत कानून के अनुसार दोषी को सजा -ए मौत का फरमान सुनाया जाता हैं। संताल परगना में संतालों के परंपरागत शासन व्यवस्था के तहत दिशोम मांझी (सवौच्च अदालत) की बैठक में आरोपी को यदि दोषी करार दिया जाता है तो उसे नक्सली के तर्ज पर खुले मैदान में भारी जनसमुह के बीच सजा सुनाई जाती है। दिशोम मांझी यदि किसी व्यक्ति को बिटलाहा (सामाजिक बहिष्कार) का निर्णय सुनाती है तो उस व्यक्ति को जिंदा जला देने के साथ उसके घरों में आग भी लगा दी जाती है। पंचायत के फरमान के विरूद्व नेता और समाज सुधारकों की नहीं चलती है, दिशोम मांझी के निर्णय को आजतक किसी ने चुनौति नहीं दी है। पंचायत के फरमान पर गोड्डा जिले की दो महिला को जिंदा जलाया गया है। दुमका जिले के रामगढ़ प्रखंड के हेठग्रहण गांव में 30 मार्च 2012 को दिशोम मांझी पंचायत की बैठक में दो लोगों को मौत की सजा देने की घटना ने सभ्य समाज को सोचने पर विवश कर दिया कि विज्ञान के युग में भी हम ऐसे कु्रर फैसले ले सकते हैं। हेडग्रहण गांव में दिशोम मांझी की बैठक में दुमका, गोड्डा और पाकुड़ जिले के लगभग 700 ग्राम प्रधान और ग्रामीण उपस्थित थे। परंपरागत पंचायत व्यवस्था दिशोम मांझी की बैठक न तीन व्यक्ति को परंपरानुसार बिटलाहा का निर्णय लिया और उन तीनों मशः भीम मुर्मू, शंकर किस्कु और बेटका किस्कु को सजा-ए-मौत सुना दी। बैठक में उपस्थित उग्र भीड़ ने आरोपी तीन में से दो को लाठी और पत्थरों से मार डाला, गांव के आरोपी सहित दर्जनों घरों में आग लगा दी गई। एक आरोपी बेटका किस्कू घटना स्थल से किसी तरह भाग कर अपनी जान बचाई और घटना की पुरी कहानी एस पी,दुमका हेमंत टोप्पो को सुनाई। बेटका ने बताया कि हेठग्रहण गांव में मौत की सजा जिसे दी गई, उसमें उसका बेटा शंकर भी शामिल है। इस कांड में बेटका ने अपनी संलिप्तता से इंकार किया है। शंकर को पुलिस ने रामगढ़ थाने में तत्काल रहने का आदेश दिया है। पुलिस को अबतक इस कांड में कोई सफलता नहीं मिली है। पुलिस सिर्फ दिशोम मांझी की बैठक को आहुत करानेवाले आनंद टुडू के विरूद्व प्राथमिकी दर्ज की है। पुलिस प्रशासन को घटना से पहले जुटनेवाली भीडका अंदाजा था,बावजुद इसके कोई ठोस कदम नहीं उठाये गए। हेठग्रहण गांव में सन्नाटा पसरा हुआ है, मर्द गांव छोड़ चुके हैं। प्रशासन प्रभावित परिवारों के बीच राहत सामग्री दी है। परंपरानुसार दिशोम मांझी की बैठक के पूर्व संताली गांवों में एक डंडा जिसमें सखुआ के पत्ते में तेल लगा होता है, उसे लेकर एक व्यक्ति नगाड़ा बजाता हुआ बैठक की सूचना आस-पास के गांवों को देता है और लोग जुटते हैं। पुलिस प्रशासन कई बार ऐसी घटना को रोकने में विफल रही है। वर्ष 2003 में गोड्डा जिले के महुआसोल-औड़ाटाॅड की घटना दिल दहला देती है जिसमें पंचायत के फैसले के अनुसार दो महिलाओं को जिन्दा जला दिया गया था। झारखंड के संताल परगना में दिशोम मांझी के फैसले सवौच्च न्यायालय की तरह होते हैं, पुलिस भी इस झमेले में नहीं पड़ती, सिर्फ खानापुरी करती है। राज्य महिला आयोग की पूर्व सदस्या डां. लुईस मरांडी ने इस घटना को अमानवीय करार दिया और कहा कि समाज के ऐसे निर्णय से समाज में कटुता बढ़ेगी। विधान सभा में रामगढ़ में दो की हत्या मामला गरमाया, सरेआम पंचायत द्वारा ऐसे फैसले पर चिंता प्रकट की, सरकार कार्यवाही करेगी।

Wednesday, May 23, 2012

Tech edge to cut graft


Sopan Correspondent / New Delhi

Plan panel may introduce IT-enabled monitoring system to check fund pilferage

Of late corruption has become a major menace affecting every bit of Indian life. People have started saying that the menace has acquired a shape of three-dimension, as those in power are making money by unfair means from below the land (mining), on the land (from various schemes of the government) and above the land (spectrum).
Scams like NRHM and PDS in UP involving thousands crores of rupees have made government to re-orient its monitoring mechanism to avoid such scams taking place in future.
For the purpose the government has worked out an IT enabled near real-time monitoring network system to keep an eye not only on the fund flow from Centre to the lowest level, but also the physical outcome of expenditure on various Central social sector schemes. On central schemes the government of India spends about Rs 4, 00, 000 crore every year and it is believed, if the funds are utilized properly for next five years the face of India can change for better permanently.
The new set-up, which will be rolled out in the entire country in the next five years, is named as Central Plan Scheme Monitoring System (CPSMS).
As per the plan, which has piloted by Planning Commission in association with finance and IT ministries, it will work like network of networks and will capture data on fund flow from both Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) and treasury routes at the grass roots level in real near time.
The Controller General of Accounts, ministry of finance, on last Friday made a presentation on CPMS to deputy chairman of planning commission Montek Singh Ahluwalia.
During the presentation, the Controller General of Accounts highlighted the achievements of the pilot projects on CPSMS undertaken in four states including Bihar (MGNREGS), Madhya Pradesh (NRHM), Punjab (SSA) and Maharashtra (PMGSY).
As per the presentation, with which the government appeared wholly satisfied, the treasury interface was successfully tested in Bihar and Maharashtra, as now details of utilization of funds (object head wise) through the state treasury route during financial year 2010-11 are available. Even daily uploads for financial year 2011-12 are available in case of Maharashtra.
In states, where pilot projects were undertaken, the government has achieved in creating real-time interface with Core Banking Solutions (CBS) of 26 public sector commercial banks, four private banks and 30 regional Rural Banks (RRBs). The CPSMS' integration with NREGASoft (MoRD), PRIYASoft (MoPR) and tally (accounting software) are underway, it was informed.
With pilot projects successfully operating, many other states including Odisha, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Kerala have expressed the desire to implement the system at the earliest, it was informed during the presentation.
However, as per the plan, the government has envisaged to extend the CPSMS to all states for all Central schemes in the next five years.
Since the CPSMS has been implemented in four states on a pilot basis, already 4,73,000 agencies have been registered on the system's portal with bank account details (including balances, type of payment - cash/cheque etc., beneficiary details).
All these details are now available for the registered agencies on near real time basis. "In four pilot states all state, district and block level agencies have been registered under MGNREGS, NRHM, SSA and PMGSY.
Majority of village level agencies have also been registered," the presentation revealed.
Further giving details of the success of the pilots in component wise expenditure details filing, the presentation claimed that capability of software for component-wise expenditure filing and reporting has been tested in four districts in Bihar (MGNREGS), Hosangabad District in MP (NRHM) and Ludhiana District of Punjab (SSA). In MP, all district level agencies are filing component wise expenditure details (NRHM).
Incidentally, the concept of IT infrastructure for real time monitoring system has been inspired by the US transparency portal, which has been tracking the money spent all over the country. The system has successfully been working there for last 10 years.

Tuesday, May 22, 2012

Safe Motherhood delivers results


Ranjana Narayan/ Jodhpur

White Ribbon Alliance for Safe Motherhood campaign in 10 villages of Osian block of Jodhpur district has started showing results. MMR is very high in Rajasthan

Will the baby live? Will the mother survive childbirth? Not very long ago, it was left to fate to decide how a pregnant woman and her unborn child would fare, but a slow change towards birth preparedness is taking place in some villages of Rajasthan's Jodhpur district.
Now women like Mamta, Goga, Pushpa and Ganga care. Hiding their faces behind colourful, pink and red odhnis or veils, and laughing shyly over the discussion on pregnancy and birth, these women are becoming aware of the need to eat properly, check blood pressure and weight regularly and write down the phone number of the local jeep or van driver to call when birth pains begin or in case of any emergency.
Rajasthan has among the highest maternal mortality ratio in India at 335 per 100,000 live births.
But in a project coordinated by SUMA-Rajasthan White Ribbon Alliance for Safe Motherhood, in partnership with White Ribbon Alliance India and GRAVIS (Gramin Vikas Vigyan Samiti) in 10 villages of Osian block of Jodhpur district, the results have begun to show.
When Goga, in her mid 20s, had her first child, a son, nine years ago and her daughter, who is now two years old, she wasn't aware of the need to have iron tablets, or get herself weighed every month to ensure she and her baby were fine or get her BP checked. But when she was carrying her newest addition, a daughter who is now five and a half months old, she paid attention to her diet.
"I ate greens, bajra rotis, iron tablets, took tetanus injections. The jaapa (birth) went off well," said Goga, smiling shyly. Goga, whose husband is a carpenter in Surat, Gujarat, managed to save Rs.5,000 by putting aside some money for her delivery every month. But she didn't have to spend a paisa. In fact, under the Janani Suraksha Yojana of the National Rural Health Mission of the central government, Goga got a cheque for Rs.1,400 a fortnight after the birth and was also compensated for the Rs.300 she spent on the vehicle to reach the primary health centre at Osian, some 27 km away.
In between her first and second child, Goga had three miscarriages, which is a common story among the women here. She underwent medical treatment at Umaid Hospital in Jodhpur for nine months at a cost of Rs.10,000, she said.
"Attitudes (to birth preparedness) have begun to change, and that is a big thing," said Smita Bajpai, programme officer of Chetna, an NGO.
"In our initial phase of work here, we had to deal with a lot of hostility from family elders. The in-laws would tear up our posters and other material we would bring to educate women, and tell us to go away. It took us some persistence to break through."
Ganga, who has four daughters, gave birth to a little boy a few months ago. Her eldest daughter is 12. A resident of Khabada hamlet, set among the sand dunes, Ganga had three miscarriages before the birth of her fifth child. All her babies were born at home. In the case of the last child, Ganga registered with the primary health centre, took her injections on time, and wrote down the important numbers on the calendar.
One major change among the women now is that they go for birthing at hospitals, either the primary heath centre or the nearest facility that is equipped to handle births. Earlier, births would take place at home as a norm, assisted by the dais or midwives.
Have the Safe Motherhood measures helped reduce the maternal mortality rates in the villages?
Aparajita Gogoi, country director CEDPA (the Centre for Development and Population Activities), which helped form the White Ribbon Alliance India, says the measures may not lead to direct prevention of maternal mortality but are extremely important "in preventing delays which lead to maternal deaths".
"Women alone cannot take the key steps for birth preparedness, and they need their husband's support and families support in preparing for steps like locating the nearest health centre, arranging transportation and money and blood donors and having emergency numbers handy," said Gogoi.
As Ganga's mother-in-law said, "We followed all the instructions to see that nothing goes wrong for the jaapa this time."

Monday, May 21, 2012

A lot to worry about India's free trade pact with European Union


Ranja Sengupta/New Delhi
Impact of the agreement on livelihoods of small producers, farmers and workers and on access to food, medicines, energy and natural resources is causing worry
Concerns have been expressed for some time by policymakers, analysts, NGOs, and affected groups about the impacts of the ambitious EU-India Free Trade Agreement (FTA) — being currently negotiated — on vulnerable groups in India.
In particular, impact on livelihoods of small producers, farmers and workers and on access to food, medicines, energy and natural resources, including land, water, forest products and minerals is causing worry.
The Recent 'Right to Food Impact Assessment (RFIA) of the EU-India FTA' published by Misereor, Heinrich Boell Foundation, Glopolis, Third World Network and Anthra finds evidence of significant threats to both livelihoods and to the direct access to food of millions of agricultural farmers, workers and poor consumers in India.
The RFIA concentrates in particular on dairy and poultry farmers, informal retail workers and on land & investment.
According to various reports, the EU has asked India to remove dairy and poultry products from its list of protected products (negative list) and is asking for unfettered entry of European retailers into both the single and multi brand retail sectors where foreign direct investment (FDI) is currently restricted or prohibited.
Based on current impact assessment studies, India's gains are highly unequal, both across sectors and within sectors, and lie mainly in narrow service sector segments and in garments & leather.
In addition, the process of negotiations is secret and undemocratic where negotiating texts are not shared in the public domain on either side.
In India, no parliamentary ratification is required for the passage of the agreement.
The value of Indian agricultural production and trade remain low but it is important in this FTA because growing income in the hands of India's middle classes is attracting European producers to India's buoyant food market. Indian agriculture is highly protected and the EU wants access for its high value agricultural products such as wines, spirits and beverages, as well as agro processed products, dairy, poultry, cereals and fisheries (industrial product in trade rules).
It is hardly a balanced scale. India's numerous small producers, unlike their European counterparts, are crippled by low technology, lack of resources, skills and education, infrastructure and state support. 65% of Indian farmers are marginal farmers who own only 20% of total land, with an average holding size of 0.38 hectares.
The sector supports 70% of Indians (about 700 million), 75.38% of women workers and a large chunk of tribal, indigenous communities. Small farmers eat part of what they produce even if marketed surplus is low. Their ability to feed themselves is intrinsically linked to their livelihoods as farmers and their ability to sell.
Access to food is already a critical issue in India. According to FAO estimates for 2006-8, 224 million or 26.9% of the Indian population were living in chronic hunger.
By profession, agricultural workers and small and marginal farmers are the most affected. Rural poverty estimates vary between 28% and 87% and India's Human Development Indicator (HDI) stands at 0.619.
However, this poverty and hunger is not one which can be met by processed food imports, but by enabling India's food production and its distribution in a more even manner across economic and social classes as well as regions.
In this already precarious situation, this FTA may make major inroads for European exports.
The Agreement asks for total removal of applied (actual) tariffs on 92% of products and may have limited provisions for safeguards. With higher tariffs, India cuts much more.
European subsidies cannot be negotiated under this FTA as it is a multilateral issue and easing of EU's non tariff measures like high standards and technical/processes are likely to be highly limited.
In addition to retail, likely investment provisions can affect access to land, water (including for fishing) and natural resources. EU has also made TRIPS plus IPR demands related to agriculture.
Not surprisingly, projections point towards the uneven gains in agriculture in this FTA.
According to an EC commissioned impact assessment by CEPII-CREM (2007), projections for 2020 show that while EU will gain USD 321 million in agro food products, India will gain only 83 million USD.
Similarly, EU will gain 133 million USD in cereals while India gains only 7 million USD. In products from animal origin, EU gains 150 million USD compared to 1 million for India. In primary products EU gains 5128 million USD while India gains 39 million USD.
According to the RFIA, there are 14 millions farmers in India's dairy sector mostly small and marginal farmers.
The current tariff on skimmed milk powder (SMP) is 15% up to 30,000 tonnes of imports under a tariff rate quota or TRQ, and 60% on residual imports. EU wants tariffs cut to 0 to increase production and maintain options for export refunds in CAP.
In the past, tariff cuts on SMP have been costly for Indian farmers. In 1999, once quantitative restrictions were lifted with zero tariffs, European exports increased from 600 to 25,000 tonnes. In 2009, the TRQ was extended from 10 to 30,000 tonnes and imports reached the limit immediately.
The Report predicts that the higher imports as a result of the FTA will depress producer prices, reduce income, increase farmers' debts and will restrict the right to food of smallholders.
It will also disconnect national supply from the growing demand within the country and transmit global volatility, often at risk to consumers.
In the poultry sector, 96 million small, marginal and landless agricultural households keep 85% of poultry stock and it acts as core support and a risk diversifying system for subsistence farmers and growing income source for small contract farmers.
Poultry meat is currently protected in India with a 100% import duty. Being the third largest exporter globally, EU has shown clear interest in this sector.
EU exports chicken legs, not in demand within EU, at very low prices and there is high demand within India for legs. But Indian producers cannot sell breasts to EU because of the latter's high standards.
The RFIA argues that plagued already by high production cost, debts, and high price sensitivity, European exports can threaten small contract farmers' right to food by threatening their productive and selling capacity.
Even if backyard poultry keepers are not directly affected, the environment towards maintaining RTF can be challenged.
The retail sector in India is the second most important job market and provides 37 million jobs, largely in the informal sector.
Job alternatives are low, particularly for the 10 million poor and often food insecure hawkers (vendors). Food accounts for 74% of retail revenues and is an important market for small scale farmers.
Hawkers offer low prices for poor consumers but even middle class consumers buy from them.
The supermarkets in Delhi were found to be cheaper in processed, labeled and packaged food targeted towards the middle class and rich consumers.
Even though a recent attempt by the Indian government to open up multi brand retail to FDI failed in the face of huge opposition, the FTA may allow FDI up to an equity cap of at least 51% in multi-brand retail and 100% in single-brand if EU's demands are met by India.
The Report finds that this can impact jobs of small retailers who already faced 15% decline in profit in 21 months and 4.2% annual closure rate near modern retail formats.
Carrefour has predicted 1.8 million direct and indirect new jobs through supermarkets within five years, with increased market share from 4.1 to 43-48%.
However, even if this can be actually done, this would mean a loss of 2.9-5.7 million informal jobs.
Small farmers will also lose as big supermarkets usually buy from large farmers with higher education, land size, capital and efficiency.
Established EU sources for processed food may also displace domestic suppliers due to tariffs cuts. Poor consumers also stand to lose as hawkers get pushed out.
The disappearance of small retail in India therefore will threaten the right to food of small retailers, farmers and consumers, the Report highlights.
Along with specific provisions related to goods and services trade liberalization, the RFIA recommends that EU and India should both conduct their own Human Rights Impact Assessments (HRIAs), and include human rights clause that takes into account the impact of EU's own demands as a result of this FTA and allow for revisions of harmful provisions along with monitoring mechanism.
Based on this and other analyses from a development and rights perspective, it is clear that this FTA needs a major overhaul if it has to serve the needs of Indian people at large.
Given the unequal gains in this agreement where gains will go to only a few sectors and people, we really need to think about different models. We need to strengthen the domestic sector, local food production and distribution for and by our people.
(Ranja Sengupta works as Senior Researcher, Third World Network, based in New Delhi, India)

Saturday, May 19, 2012

Banking on land resource


Sopan Correspondent / New Delhi

Proposed Land Banks will work on the lines of commercial banks, where people can transact in land by depositing and withdrawing their pledged pieces of land.

With the approach to the 12th plan (2012-17) already known, the experts and economists are on their job to finalise the plan document, which is expected to be complete by May and then soon National development Council meeting would be convened to gets its nod. After which the fresh plan will kick start in the country.
The work on the plan is in progress with a heartening theme of "12th plan: More Inclusive Growth". Most of the working groups, which are writing the plan documents have started submitting their reports on the plan and one among them is on "Disadvantaged and Women farmers" which has submitted its final report. A copy of report is with SopanStep.
Premised on the fact that land has become a scarce commodity and has also proved to be mother of all scams in states after state, be it Bihar or Karnataka or Maharashtra or amy be any other state, one enquiry or other is underway and chief ministers are losing their job. Keeping this in mind the working group has suggested, which will become part of the 12th plan and would be implemented during the plan period, the Centre should establish "Public Land Banks (PLB)" at Panchayat level along with a host of reforms in dealing with the land issue in the country.
The Land Banks, as mooted in in the final report of the working group, will work on the lines of commercial banks, where people, in place of currency and financial instruments, would transact in land by depositing and withdrawing their pledged pieces of land.
According to the final report of the "working group" involved in preparing the 12th plan document, the PLB should be provided "initial seed capital from the Central and the state governments in a ratio of 80:20". But at the pilot stage for three years 100 percent of seed capital can be provided by the central government, it added.
The report, says: "To regulate and rationalise land demand and supply, it is strongly recommended that a PLB be created at the Panchayat level, in which land owners can 'deposit' land parcels that they do not want to cultivate."
The report further says that the "period of deposit" could range from "one season to several years" and the depositors would receive "an incentive payment per hectare" on deposit, varying by "period of deposit (analogous to current, savings and fixed bank deposits), with an additional amount being paid if the land gets leased out". It also mentions that the landowners would get "guaranteed protection and would be free to withdraw the land with due notice".
Later to earn value on the land deposited, it is proposed that the PLB will in turn would lease out the land in possession to specifically designated categories of disadvantaged cultivators, such as marginal farmers, women, dalits and tribals. "The land can be leased out either to individual entities or to groups," the report suggested.
Further elaborating the lending mechanism, the report said, "The borrowers or lessees would also get guaranteed lease, which will be fixed after assessing the land quality and in the form of a consolidated plot, wherever it is possible." It has also been suggested that borrowers can be provided "institutional financing support" and other help in terms of "access to quality inputs and markets.
The report, however, suggests debarring corporate, large farmers and those categories other than specified section of people from getting land from the PLB. "The measure is needed to be taken to prevent misuse of the liberalized tenancy provisions and for the purpose a clear and strict guidelines should be put in place for the PLB to operate," it added.
In another important move the report suggests that the government should comprehensively assess all land available with the state for potential distribution to disadvantaged and women farmer groups. The land so distributed could either be registered in the group's name, or it could be given to them under very long-term lease arrangement, it added.
It has also asked the government to institute a loan-cum-grant scheme with 50 percent given as a low interest loan and the rest 50 percent as a grant to help groups of landless or near landless women and men purchase land collectively. The purchased land can be registered in equal parts in each group member's name, but incentive should be given to group cultivation.
The working group, however, maintained that government should not purchase land to lease to disadvantageous and women farmers since that would hike up land prices in the areas of purchase. This will make the scheme unsustainable and adversely affect poor farmers, who want to buy land on their own.
Making the land transaction women centric, the 12th plan is expected to focus more on the rights of fairer sex in the family, as it proposes required certain changes in the proposed "Land Acquisition Bill-2011". It says that the consent clause for land transfers should require consent of by both spouses and not just heads of households. The compensation (land, cash, equity share etc.) should also be given equally to both spouses. To the extent possible, compensation should be land for land, since even farmers with resources often lack skills in setting up viable non-farm enterprises.
Interestingly, the report after studying the practices in Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh has suggested that Mahatama Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) fund should not only be used to create durable assets in villages rather it could be used for providing farm labour, which could reduce the labour cost to the group farmers. "Such efforts to integrate group farming with MGREGS need to be encouraged to leverage such schemes better for improving land resources and labour productivity for agriculture," it suggested.
The report has also suggested legalising tenancy system and should be regulated for specific categories, such as groups of disadvantaged and women farmers, to provide security to the tenant, whicle also protecting the landowner's rights. "A group approach to leasing in and use of land should be built into the system, as also financial and institutional support or such cultivation," it said, adding that sub-leasing within the group to individual members should be banned, as also leasing by corporate entities.
Apart from farming the 12th plan document has also talked about shelter to homeless in villages. It said, the government should further endeavour the 11th plan recommendation that all rural families without homesteads be allocated 10 cents of land in the women's name, which should be used for shelter and supplementary livelihoods.

Thursday, May 17, 2012

Amul, the taste of success


RK Mishra/Ahmedabad

Amul's mission was the development of farmers, nutrition to the nation and, heart in heart, the real development of India, says Varghese Kurien
What started as a small cooperative movement over six decades ago in a mid-sized town in the western state of Gujarat has now become an icon of rural empowerment, fashioning in the process what is called the white revolution to catapult India as the world's largest producer of milk.In 1946 a bright youth was sent to study dairy engineering at the Michigan State University on government scholarship but he came back with a masters in metallurgy and nuclear physics instead.
Even so, nothing could change what destiny had in store for Dr. Verghese Kurien - whose efforts towards the white revolution earned him the World Food Prize and the Magsaysay Award, apart from numerous other recognitions within and outside India.
A Syrian Christian born in southern Kerala, Kurien moved to the dusty town of Anand to set up a milk cooperative and his achievement made people revere him as the milkman of India.
The best testimony to his work, perhaps, is the varied range of products that now line shelves in shops all over India and abroad - going way beyond just milk to pasteurised butter, cheese, ice creams, chocolates, clarified butter, sweets and other products, including probiotic milk and sugar-free ice cream.
So much so that this brand name, along with its iconic mascot - a cute little girl in polka-dot skirt and catchy slogans -has even overtaken its parent, the Gujarat Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation, in terms of both name and fame.
"Amul is the brand name of over two million farmers, members of 10,000 village dairy cooperative societies throughout Gujarat. This is the heart of Amul," said Kurien, who has since retired.
"This is what gives strength to Amul, and this is what is so special about the Amul saga."
Drawn from the Sanskrit word "amulya", or priceless, the Amul journey began in the tumultuous days before India's independence when the dairy cooperative was set up under the directions of Vallabhbhai Patel, then Congress leader who went on to become India's first home minister.
Two years later, Kurien returned from the US and in 1949 left his government job to help the newly-formed cooperative, Kaira District Cooperative Milk Producers' Union.
This led to the birth of Amul - the rest, as is often said, is history.
In 1966, Amul procured just 1,000 litres of milk a day, but today this has gone up to as much as 8.4 million litres. The $1.5 billion cooperative has 13,328 village societies as members, covering 2.79 million milk producers.
In the current financial year, the cooperative is expected to have crossed a turnover of $1.8 billion and expects to log $2.2 billion by the next fiscal.
"Amul is the symbol of the achievements of dairy cooperatives over the last 65 years," said B.M. Vyas, managing director of the cooperative.
"Simply put, Amul symbolises the genesis of a vast cooperative, the triumph of indigenous technology, the marketing savvy of a farmers' organisation, a proven model of dairy development, high quality products at reasonable prices - to sum it all up, a confident nation on the move."
According to Amul chairperson Ramsinh Parmar, the first effort to organise dairy cooperatives had actually started after the enactment of the Cooperative Societies Act, 1912.
"But it was in the 1940s that farmers of Kaira district organised themselves into a dairy cooperative and decided to process and sell milk directly after collecting it from its own members," Parmar said.
Statistics show that though steps to improve the quality of milch cattle began in the 1st Five Year Plan (1951 to 1956), the absence of a stable and remunerative market for milk saw production stagnate.
Between 1951 and 1970, milk production grew by barely one percent annually while in fact per capita availability declined by an equivalent amount.
Then came "Operation Flood".
"It was Operation Flood, implemented for the National Dairy Development Board from 1970 to 1996 by founder-chairman Dr. Kurien, who had an uninterrupted spell of 33 years, that radically transformed dairy development in India," said his close aide P.A. Joseph.
This programme ensured milk producers' cooperatives get well entrenched in villages and made modern technology available to them. It also increased milk production and augmented rural incomes, which went to the milk producer and not the middlemen.
More importantly, the programme empowered small rural producers, providing them with employment opportunities at their homes with steady returns.
Marginal landholdings make up 57 percent of rural households in India and thanks to such cooperatives dairying is a viable option even for the landless. Nearly 70 million Indian households hold a total of 98 million cows and buffaloes.
A majority of milk producers have one or two milch animals and these small producers account for some 70 percent of the milk production. On an average, 22.5 percent of the income of rural households is contributed by milk.
"Operation Flood essentially replicated the Anand pattern countrywide, joining village-level cooperatives to form district-level unions, which in turn joined in state-level marketing federations," said Joseph.
"The primary milk producer thus governs this entire federal cooperative structure."
The dairy major has also emerged as a role model of sorts, which many developing nations want to emulate. Earlier this year, Ethopian Ambassador to India Gennet Zewide visited Amul and expressed a desire to replicate the white revolution using the same model in their country.
The cooperative dairy movement is impacting lives in many other ways as well.
The Banas dairy, for example, a member of the Amul cooperative, started a unique initiative called the Internet Sewa Project in Banaskantha district in Gujarat.
This is a village-level effort at bridging the digital divide by providing information kiosks at the village cooperative level. Official forms, educational applications and local market prices are provided at the information kiosk so that people do not have to travel all the way to the district headquarters for this information.
From Banaskantha to IT capital Bangalore, Amul has branded itself on the lives of every Indian. Begin your day with Amul milk and pasteurised butter on toast. Lunch on Amul curd, have a snack with Amul cheeses and round off the day with some Amul chocolate.
It's all about Amul, and also about India.
As Kurien puts it: "Amul's mission was the development of farmers, nutrition to the nation and, heart in heart, the real development of India."

Wednesday, May 16, 2012

Redemption in sight


Sangita Jha/New Delhi

The clash between Centre and states over BPL lists is set to end as the Centre mulls the BPL category should be confined only to food subsidy.
Centre and states have sparred long over Below Poverty Line (BPL) lists. Centre fixes number of BPL families in a state based on the criterion of the Planning Commission but states claim that they have more poor than what is recognized by the Centre. This slanging match appears to be headed for partial resolution soon. The overriding idea within the government is that the BPL category should be confined only to food subsidy.
In fact after decades of BPL centric policies, the Centre is preparing to look beyond. A window is soon likely to be created for Above Poverty Line (APL) families to enjoy benefits of the Centrally-sponsored schemes. The idea has apparently cropped within the corridors of power in the Centre after Gujarat and Punjab saturated their respective BPL lists under the Indira Awas Yojna (IAY).
Currently, the BPL list is linked with public distribution system (PDS), IAY, Total Sanitation Campaign (TSC) and Old Age Pension. The Ministry of Rural Development is determined and claims to enjoy concurrence of the Planning Commission too that there is no overriding need for BPL lists to link the flagship scheme of IAY and Old Age Pension.
An internal assessment of the Ministry of Rural Development has brought forth the facts that Gujrat, Punjab and few districts in Uttar Pradesh have succeeded in exhausting their existing respective BPL lists for IAY. These states have apparently forced the Centre to find alternatives so that they could continue to implement IAY in some forms. "Gujarat, Punjab and few districts in UP have nearly exhausted their respective existing BPL lists under the IAY scheme. This has made ways for funds being utilized by these states under the scheme being diverted to other states," said a senior official.
The development means that the poor in Gujarat and Punjab have got pucca houses. This is a big achievement in itself for the IAY scheme. But the government is looking at alternatives to keep the scheme afloat in these states. "The Centre is mulling to allow people in these states to access benefits of IAY to replace their old houses with new ones. Such a move will allow performing states to continue the IAY to function in their states," said the official.
Under the IAY, people within the BPL category get Rs 45,000 to build their houses. While Centre supports with 75 per cent of the funds under the schemes, the states have to pitch in with the remaining 25 per cent. The Centre is also awaiting the outcome of the ongoing Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), which is expected to be completed this year, to get fresh list of BPL people in the states.
While Gujarat and Punjab have taken the lead in saturating demands under the IAY, the Centre is also looking forward to focus on Central and Eastern states, which are lagging behind. States like Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Odhisa, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh are lagging the most in exhausting their respective BPL lists under IAY. This is apparently due to governments in such states not willing to aggressively take benefits to the people due to financial burden. States need to contribute 25 per cent of the funds for the scheme.
A working group of the Planning Commission has already sent a set of recommendations to the Ministry of Rural Development to restructure IAY. The question is whether the Centre should begun giving benefits of IAY to any person in the APL category. The answer to this question lies in recommendation of the Planning Commission, which says a cap of a maximum loan under the IAY could be specified, which could be about Rs 2 lakh. A well off family will not be able to build a house in mere Rs 2 lakh and only genuine families in the APL category would come forward to claim the benefits under the IAY.
The move is likely to come as relief to those who are outside the BPL category to meet growing demands of life in the time of price rise. The IAY is not the end of the story, as TSC, which is being restructured as Nirmal Bharat Abhiyan (NBA) envisages covering BPL and APL both with individual household latrine (IHHL). The Ministry of Rural Development, which is seeking a whopping Rs 36,000 crore commitment in the 12th five year plan, is hopeful of covering all the 2.50 lakh Gram Panchayats in the country for total sanitation campaign.
A United Nations report had stated that India would have to wait up to 2050 to become an open defection free nation. In an internal assessment report prepared by the Ministry, the picture is not far away from what the UN report suggests. Barring Kerala, which tops the list of states for having covered 980 Gram Panchayats in total sanitation campaign, leaving 10 more to be covered, other states are far off the mark to suggest a promising picture. In fact the most populous state Uttar Pradesh has covered only 1080 Gram Panchayats in sanitation campaign so far, leaving a tough job to cover another 51,621 Gram Panchayats in coming years. Maharashtra too has 18670 Gram Panchayats yet to be covered under the sanitation campa ign, while Madhya Pradesh has 21003 such Panchayats. Even developed states like Punjab (12647) and Gujarat (12167) have large number of Gram Panchayats yet to be covered under open defecation free campaign.
However, the Centre appears determined to erase the stink of open defecation with substantial hike in sanitation campaign.
In fact the government is also getting the celebrities to back its campaign to wash off the stink. The "Dirty Picture" star Vidya Balan and superstar Shah Rukh Khan have agreed to campaign for sanitation.
The big move for the sanitation has also come in the backdrop of a total allocation of Rs 3500 crore in the financial year 2012-13.
Ministry of Rural Development may not find much of a hassle in getting rid of the BPL limitation in the Old Age Pension. The idea is to make it universal with few criteria so that those getting pension by other means do not come under this ambit.
Thus we may soon see a step in the direction of making the flagship scheme universals. Even in the case of PDS, notwithstanding the National Food Security Bill, which is being deliberated upon by the Parliamentary standing committee and may have to wait a little longer before becoming a reality, the move is to allow the APL category families to take home at least 20 kg of foodgrains.
This is due to the fact that the government is faced with "problem of plenty" on the back of bumper procurement of foodgrains and lack of adequate means for their storage. This suggests that a limited universal PDS policy is also in the offing.
The ongoing Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), which is likely to be completed this year, will throw the true picture of the BPL numbers based on the exclusion and inclusion criteria. The government is looking forward to restructure some of the flagship schemes to specifically target the people suffering from the highest degree of deprivation independent of the BPL list.
Though we can still not write an obituary of the BPL, some steps are definitely being taken in this regard.

Tuesday, May 15, 2012

नक्सलवाद को समस्या और आंदोलन का नजरिया---


अनिल चमड़िया

नक्सलवाद और माओवाद को समस्या या आंदोलन के रूप में देखना किसी के राजनीतिक, सामाजिक और आर्थिक व्यवस्था के प्रति नजरिये से जुड़ा हुआ है।इसे समझने के लिए पहले एक वास्तविक घटना का बयान यहां जरूरी लगता है।मनमोहन सिंह जब से देश के प्रधानमंत्री बनें है तब से वे इस बात को कई बार दोहरा चुके हैं कि नक्सलवाद देश के लिए सबसे बड़ा खतरा है।लेकिन साठ के दशक के अर्थशास्त्री मनमोहन सिह भी शिक्षण संस्थानों में डिग्री लेने वाले देश के दूसरे बुद्धिजीवियों की तरह पहले नक्सलवाद के प्रति सहानुभूति रखने वालों में रहे हैं। पंजाब के मशहूर नक्सलवादी नेता हाकाम सिंह की माने तो उन्होने यदि मनमोहन सिंह को बचाने की कोशिश न की होती तो वे उस समय नक्सलवादियों के समर्थक होने के आरोप में जेल में होते। पंजाब के नक्सलवादी नेता हाकाम सिंह के बारे में देश के कई बड़े संसदीय नेताओं महान क्रांतिकारी थे।दरअसल ये कहानी और लंबी है। लेकिन जिस संदर्भ में इसका उल्लेख किया गया है उसके लिए पर्याप्त है। मनमोहन सिंह इसके बाद 7 अप्रैल 1980 से 14 सितंबर 82 तक योजना आयोग के सदस्य सचिव थे तब उन्होने बिहार के ग्रामीण अंचलों में उभर रहे असंतोष का अनुभव करने के लिए एक अध्ययन टीम के साथ उन इलाकों का दौरा किया था। उनकी उस रिपोर्ट के हवाले से नक्सलवाद के विस्तार के कारणों पर प्रकाश डाला गया था। इस तरह दो स्तरों पर मनमोहन सिंह की नजरों में नक्सलवाद को खतरे के रूप में नहीं देखा जा रहा है।

किसी भी आंदोलन को आप कहां से देख रहे हैं। ये सवाल सबसे महत्वपूर्ण होता है। संसदीय राजनीति में ये अक्सर देखा जाता है कि जो पार्टी या नेता सत्ता से बाहर होता है उसके लिए विरोध के जो मुद्दे होते है वे मुद्दे सरकार में जाने के बाद उसके मुद्दे नहीं रह जाते हैं। वे भी सरकार चलाने वाली पार्टी की तरह का ही व्यवहार करने लगते हैं।पी वी नरसिम्हा राव ने तो साफतौर पर कहा था कि भूमंडलीकरण की नीतियों को लागू करने पर विपक्ष की पार्टियां विपक्ष में रहते हुए चाहें जो करें लेकिन सत्ता में आकर वे उसका विरोध नहीं कर सकती है।आंध्र प्रदेश में एनटी रामाराव,चन्द्रबाबू नायडू, चन्द्रशेखर रेड्डी या हाल में पश्चिम बंगाल की मुख्यमंत्री ममता बनर्जी के विपक्ष से सत्ता तक की यात्रा के दौरान नक्सलवाद के प्रति बदलते रूख को भी यहां देखा जा सकता है। लेकिन पहला सवाल है कि नक्सलवाद को सबसे बड़ा खतरा बताने के बावजूद उसका प्रभाव क्षेत्र कैसे बढ़ता चला गया है।तमाम तरह की दमनात्मक कार्रवाईयों के बावजूद और सैकड़ों कार्यकर्ताओं को मुठभेड़ के नाम पर मारने के वाबजूद उसके प्रभाव के विस्तार को रोका नहीं जा सका है। यहां एक दूसरे सवाल को भी ध्यान में रखा जाना चाहिए। जब नक्सलवाद के प्रभाव के विस्तार की बात की जाती है तो यह दावा कौन किस नजरिये से कर रहा है इसे समझना जरूरी होता है। सरकार देश में जिलों की तादाद बताकर नक्सलवाद के प्रभाव के जिलों की संख्या बताती है। लेकिन जब देश के कुल जिलों में नक्सलवाद के प्रभाव वाले जिलों की तादाद बताई जाएगी तो वह भारत के नक्शे पर बहुत बड़ा दिखेगा। उससे ज्यादा नक्सलवाद के बढ़ते प्रभावों को यदि राज्यवार पेश किया जाएगा तो वह और ज्यादा दिखेगा। क्योंकि कम संख्या से भाग देने पर में जो प्रतिशत निकलता है वह ज्यादा दिखाई देता है।लेकिन नक्सलवाद के प्रभावों का आकलन देश में कुल गावों की संख्या के आधार पर निकाला जाएगा तो उसका प्रभाव दो से तीन प्रतिशत गावों में ही दिखाई देगा। प्रचार की भाषा अपनी योजनाओं और रणनीतियों के अनुसार तय की जाती है। देश के लोगों के सामने जब तस्वीर इस तरह प्रस्तुत की जाएगी कि अस्सी प्रतिशत से ज्यादा राज्यों में ये समस्या है तो उसका संदेश भिन्न होगा। इसीलिए सरकारें जिस तरह से नक्सलवाद के प्रभाव के विस्तार का वर्णन करती है उसके पीछे उसके इरादे कुछ और होते हैं।इसीलिए वह इसे एक समस्या के रूप में प्रस्तुत करती है। समस्या के प्रभाव का विस्तार हो रहा है तो ये किसकी जिम्मेदारी है।रामजन्म भूमि और बाबरी मस्जिद की समस्या को तो आंदोलन कहा जा सकता है लेकिन नक्सलवाद को आंदोलन के रूप में स्वीकार करने में राजनीतिक परेशानी खड़ी हो जाती है।

दो स्तरों पर नक्सलवाद को देखा जा सकता है। विचार के स्तर पर समाज को बदलने वाली राजनीतिक धारा है। दूसरा उसे मानने वाले संगठनों और सदस्यों के व्यवहार।

नक्सलवाद के प्रभाव के विस्तार को रोकने के लिए सरकार पहले इसे आर्थिक , सामाजिक और राजनीतिक समस्या के रूप में देखती थी। ये मान्यता रही है कि जिन इलाकों में पिछड़ापन है और समाज का जो हिस्सा बेहद पिछड़ा है उसके बीच में इनका प्रभाव होता है।तब सरकार इनके लिए कई तरह के विकास के कार्यक्रम की योजना बनाना चाहती है। लेकिन देश के कई हिस्सों में तमाम तरह की योजनाओं को लागू करने का दावा करने के बाद भी नक्सलवाद के प्रभाव को पूरी तरह से खत्म नहीं किया जा सका है। नक्सलवाद का नेतृत्व करने वाली पार्टियों के नाम जरूर बदलते रहे हैं। तब सरकार भूमि सुघार कानून को लागू करने पर भी जोर देती थी। लेकिन जब से अमेरिकी परस्त भूमंडलीकरण की आर्थिक नीतियों को लागू किया गया है तब से भूमि सुधार के कार्यक्रमों को लागू करने की औपचारिक घोषणा तक खत्म कर दी गई है। संसद में राष्ट्रपति के अभिभाषणों में उसकी चर्चा तक नहीं होती है।पिछले चुनाव के दौरान तो प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने भूमि रखने की अधिकतम सीमा बढ़ाने का भी वादा किया था। स्थितियां है कि 76 प्रतिशत लोग रोजाना बीस रूपये से कम पर गुजारा कर रहे हैं। जिन इलाकों में सरकार नई नीतियों के तहत नये नये उद्योग विकसित करना चाहती है वहां तो भूखमरी की खबरें आई हैं।जब नक्सलवाद ने जन्म लिया तब कि स्थिति पर नजर डाली जा सकती है। जनवरी 1970 में रिजर्व बैंक ऑफ इंडिया द्वारा जारी एक बुलेटिन की सूचना के अनुसार 1967-68 में दो करोड़ 6 लाख लोग महज चौतीस पैसे रोजाना पर जिन्दा रहते थे। 4 करोड़ तेरह लाख लोग 81 पैसे और 8 करोड़ 26 लाख लोग एक रूपया तीन पैसे यानी बीस करोड़ 64 लाख लोग रोजाना एक रूपया उससे कम पर रोजाना जिन्दा रहने के लिए विवश थे।योजना आयोग के अध्ययन में पाया गया कि 1963 में कुल जनसंख्या का साठ प्रतिशत हिस्सा 22 रूपये प्रति माह से कम पर जीवन निर्वाह करता है। जबकि एक व्यक्ति को जितना भोजन मिलता चाहिए इसकी जानकारी रखने वाले लोगों का मानना था कि यदि स्वास्थ का थोड़ा बहुत भी ध्यान रखें तो कम से कम केवल भोजन पर खर्च करने के लिए लोगों के पास महीने में 23 रूपये तो जरूर होने चाहिए।यानी उस समय महज खाने के लायक भी लोगों तक पूरे पैसे नहीं होते थे।तब योजनाकारों ने अनुमान लगाया हर तीसरा आदमी 2000 तक गरीबी की रेखा की सीमा से नीचे अपना जीवन गुजार रहा होगा।दूसरा यह था कि सन 2000 में जो भी व्यक्ति 25 रूपये महीने कमाएगा वह आराम से खाना खा सकेगा।

सरकार अब नक्सलवाद को केवल कानून एवं व्यवस्था की समस्या के रूप में पेश करने में लगी है। केन्द्र में जब भारतीय जनता पार्टी के नेतृत्व में सरकार थी तब ये कोशिश शुरू की गई थी कि सरकारी दस्तावेजों से नक्सलवाद को आर्थिक, राजनीतिक और सामाजिक समस्या भले माना जाए लेकिन व्यवहार में इसे केवल कानून एवं व्यवस्था की समस्या के रूप में पेश किया जाए। भारतीय जनता पार्टी की विचारधारा विकेन्द्रीकरण की नहीं है। वह केन्द्रीयकृत सत्ता में यकीन करती है और पुलिसिया रौब दांव को जरूरी मानती है। वह आर एस एस जैसे फांसीवादी संगठनों का चुनावी मुखौटा है। जब कांग्रेस के नेतृत्व वाली सरकार बनी तब भी भाजपा शासित नीतियों को ही लागू किया गया।कांग्रेस की राजनीति उसके सामने खड़ी राजनीतिक पार्टी को देखकर तय होती है। दरअसल सोचने का तरीका अब तक ये रहा है कि सत्ता में जो पार्टी जा रही है वह अपने कार्यक्रमों को लागू करने पर जोर देगी। लेकिन स्थितियां अब बदल चुकी है। पार्टियां सत्ता चलाने जरूर जाती है लेकिन सत्ता उन्हें चलाती है। किसी भी पार्टी में अब इतनी ताकत नहीं बची है कि वह अपनी उन घोषित नीतियों को लागू कर सकें जो सत्ता की नीतियों के विपरीत हो। सत्ता पर जिस वर्ग का वर्चस्व है वह सत्ता को अपने तरीके से चलाता है।पार्टियां उसका अनुसरण करती है। इसकी सबसे अच्छी मिसाल छत्तीस गढ़ में देखने को मिल सकती है जब कांग्रेस विधायक के नेतृत्व में भारतीय जनता पार्टी की सरकार के सहयोग से सल्वा जुडुम चलाया गया। पहले बिहार के गावों में निजी सेना का जो स्वरूप था वह बदल गया है।पहले निजी सेनाओं में पुलिस बल,सरकारी अधिकारियों और विभिन्न पार्टियों के नेताओं की भूमिका बतायी जाती थी। लेकिन अब पार्टियों के नेता नहीं पूरी पार्टी और उनकी सरकारें उसके समर्थन में खड़ी दिखाई देने लगी है। पहले निजी सेनाओं के लिए हाथियार मुहैया कराए जाते थे लेकिन अब नक्सलवादियों के खिलाफ लड़ने के लिए सेना तैयार की जा रही है। सेना में नक्सलवाद के प्रभाव वाले इलाकों के युवाओं को खासतौर से शामिल करने का अभियान चलाया जाता है।महाराष्ट्र में तो सरकार ने आदिवासियों की बटालियन खड़ी करने का फैसला किया है। पहले सरकार की काउंटर इंसर्जेसी में सरकार की रणनीति ये होती थी कि गैरजातीय सेना को लगाया जाए। जैसे पंजाब में गैर सिख पृष्ठभूमि के सैनिकों को भेजा जाता था तो उत्तर पूर्व में सिख और दूसरी पृष्ठभूमि के सैनिकों की बटालियनें लगायी जाती थी। अब ये रणनीति बदल गई हैं।

एक बदलाव और आया है कि कानून एवं व्यवस्था विषय को केन्द्र ने ज्यादा से ज्यादा अपने हाथों में ले लिया है।केन्द्र सरकार ने पहले कानून एवं व्यवस्था के रूप में नक्सलवादियों से लड़ने के लिए एक पृष्ठभूमि तैयार की। वह इस तरह से तैयार की गई कि केन्द्र ने पुलिस बलों को ज्यादा से ज्यादा हथियारों से लैश करने के लिए करोड़ों की हर वर्ष राशि दी। राज्यों यानी प्रदेशों को लगा कि ये उनके वित्तीय समस्या का समाधान है। नतीजा ये निकला कि प्रदेश की नक्सलवादियों के बारे में जो समझ हो लेकिन उन्हें केन्द्र की योजनाओं को लागू करना पड़ता है।

पूरी दुनिया में देखा गया कि किस तरह से भूमंडलीकरण की नीतियों को लागू करने के लिए सरकारों ने विकास और सुरक्षा के नारे को एक साथ जोड दिया। विकास का जहां नारा रोटी कपड़ा और मकान था वहां वह बिजली सड़क और पानी में परिवर्तित कर दिया गया।यह एक बुनियादी बदलाव रहा है। रोटी कपड़ा और मकान की जरूरत हर किसी के लिए जमीन मुहैया कराने के सवाल से जुड़ा था। बिजली , सड़क और पानी वाला विकास का नारा नई नीतियों को स्वीकार करने की स्थितियां तैयार करने के लिए दिया गया। एक ऐसा वातावरण बनाया गया कि लोग सरकार की नीतियों का समर्थन करने के पक्ष में खड़े हो जाए। सरकार के विकास के नारे के साथ ही विकास के लिए सुरक्षा के नारे का भी समर्थन करने लगे।देश के कुल राज्यों में से पचहत्तर प्रतिशत राज्यो में नक्सलवाद का प्रभाव गिनाने के पीछे यही योजना रही है। जबकि बिहार के जहानाबाद में नक्सलवाद के चरम प्रभाव वाले दिनों में रह चुके एक वरिष्ठ अधिकारी ने बताया कि उस समय भी उन्हें सरकारी विकास की योजनाओं को लागू करने में नक्सलवादियों की तरफ से कोई रूकावट नहीं दिखी। सुरक्षा के नाम पर सरकार ने मनमाने विकास को रोकने वाले तमाम तरह के आंदोलनों को कुचलने के लिए एक वातावरण तैयार किया । आज सरकार इस मायने में सफल साबित हुई है कि नक्सलवाद के नाम पर किसी को मुठभेड़ में मार दिया जाता है तो लोग उससे जुड़े कानूनी सवाल भी उठाने से कतरा जाते हैं। सैकड़ों की तादाद में नक्सली के नाम पर लोग मार दिए जाते हैं। किसी भी जागरूक और लड़ाकू राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ता को नक्सलवादी के आरोप में गिरफ्तार कर लिया जाता है। डा. विनायक सेन को छत्तीसगढ़ में दो वर्षों तक बेवजह जेल में रखा गया।सुप्रीम कोर्ट की जमानत पर छुटे।

यदि देखा जाए तो नक्सलादियों को जिन इलाकों में सरकार सबसे ज्यादा सक्रिय बताती है वे कौन से इलाके हैं। क्या वे वैसे इलाके नहीं है जहां कि देश की आखिरी पंक्ति में खड़ी जमात रहती है। जहां वह रहती है उसके घर के नीचे खनिज सम्पदा है। प्राकृतिक संसाधनों से वह भरपूर हैं। जंगल है। पानी है।लोगों को जीने के अधिकार से वंचित करके रखा गया है। सरकार उन्हें बंदूकधारी बता रही है। पूरे देश में ऐसी क्यों स्थिति है कि सबसे कमजोर समझी जाने वाले आदिवासी समुदायों की जमीन और दूसरे संसाधनों पर सभी तरह की विचारधारा की रंग वाली पार्टियों की सरकारें टूट पड़ी है। अमेरिका के राष्ट्रपति बुश ने इराक और अफगानिस्तान पर हमला करते वक्त कहा कि जो उसके साथ नहीं है वह आतंकवादियों के साथ है। दरअसल यही नारा छत्तीसगढ़ जैसे राज्यो में भी दोहराया गया और अब पूरे देश में दोहराया जा रहा है। नक्सलवादी राजनीति से किसी का विरोध हो सकता है लेकिन वे आतंकवादी तो नहीं कहें जा सकते हैं।जिन संगठनों का एक राजनीतिक आधार होता है यदि वे बंदूक से भी लड़ते है तो उन्हें आतंकवादी संगठन नहीं कहा जा सकता है।हमास के बारे में भी एक अमेरिकी विश्लेषक की यही राय रही है। नक्सलवादी गतिविधियों को अब माओवादी के रूप में ही प्रचारित किया जाता है। माओवादी विचारधारा के बूते ही चीन की मौजूदा सत्ता बनी है। वह दुनिया के ताकतवर देशों में एक है। यदि तमाम लड़ने वालों को माओवादी कहकर सरकार ये समझती है कि वह अपनी मनचाही नीतियों को लागू करना चाहेगी तो माओवाद का विस्तार ही होगा।माओवादी या नक्सलवादी गतिविधियों को एक राजनीतिक नजरिये से देखा जाना चाहिए। जिन लोगों के हक हकूक छिने गए हैं या जो अपने अधिकारों से वंचित है उन्हें वंचित बनाए रखने की ये कोशिश ठीक नहीं है।मनमोहन सिंह की सरकार भले ही उन्हें सबसे बड़े खतरे के रूप में चित्रित करें लेकिन उनके यह चित्रित करने में माओवाद का विस्तार हुआ है। उसे सैनिक बल बूते रोकने की कोशिश का अर्थ ये तो नहीं हो जाएगा कि जो मौजूदा स्थितियां है वह खत्म हो जाएगी। मकसद लड़ने से रोकना है या फिर लड़ाईयों के जो कारण है उन्हें खत्म करना है।इसका जवाब ही नक्सलवाद और माओवाद को समस्या और आंदोलन के रूप में देखने का नजरिया देता है। नक्सलवाद को मीडिया की प्रचार की सामग्री के आधार पर समझना गलत होगा।मीडिया और नक्सलवाद पर शोध करें तो प्रचार सामग्री का सच सामने होगा। देश के हालात और आर्थिक राजनीतिक वर्स्चव की समझदारी ही नक्सलवाद या किसी भी आंदोलन या समस्या को समझने में मददगार हो सकती है।

Saturday, May 12, 2012

Compulsory licence and the future of access to medicines


KM Gopakumar/ New Delhi

The decision to grant licence to Indian firm to produce a cancer drug is welcome step

The Indian Patent Office (IPO) made a landmark order on 12 March 2012 to grant compulsory licence (CL) to the Hyderabad-based Natco Pharma. The CL allows Natco to produce the generic version of Bayer's anti-cancer medicine Sorafenib. Sorafenib is used for the treatment of primary renal cell carcinoma (RCC) or kidney cancer and advanced primary liver cancer known as hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) that cannot be removed by surgery. It can extend the life of kidney cancer patients by 4--5 years and of liver cancer patients by 6--8 months. As a result of CL, Sorafenib would be available to patients in India for Rs 8800 per box that contains 120 tablets of 100 mg for a month's treatment against Bayer's price of Rs280,000 per box.Every year at least 9000 people require Sorafenib to save their life. The order of the IPOis thus a landmark asit brings relief to so many people.
Bayer obtained patent for Sorafenib in India in March 2008 and importedthe medicine from its manufacturing facility in Germany. The CL is issued under Section 84 (1) of the Indian Patents Act (IPA). Under this section,CL can be issued on three grounds viz. a) that the reasonable requirements of the public with respect to the patented invention have not been satisfied; b) that the patented invention is not available to the public at a reasonably affordable price; and c) that the patented invention is not worked in the territory of India.
The CL decision of the Patent Office disrupts the business model of pharmaceutical transnational corporations (Big Pharma). The Big pharma often uses the patent monopoly to import patented medicines without any price differentiation in the developing countries. The CLmakes it almost impossible for Big Pharmato supply medicines in India solely through importation.However, the most important feature of this licence isthe mode of granting the licence. It is granted at the request an Indian pharmaceutical company. Under the Patents Act,CL can be invoked in two ways. First, any pharmaceutical company can approach the patent office requesting for the grant of CL. Second, through an executive order the Government of India can authorise its relevant department/s or a third party to make use of the invention for the purposes of government such as public health or defence. This is commonly known as 'government use'. Since a pharmaceutical company initiated the present CL, there is little room for political pressure. Hence, the Big Pharma, who opposes CL mechanism, didnot unleash the propaganda against the issuance of CL as they did it in the past against Brazil and Thailand. Similarly, the developed country governments including the EU and the US did not come out publicly against the CL.
However, industry observers are watching whether the decision on CL would pave way for a new business model for Indian pharmaceutical companies to bring the costly, patented medicine at an affordable price through CL. There are many important life-saving patented medicines with exorbitant prices (Table 1).In order to pre-empt the threat of CL, Roche has already announced its decision to cut prices of its two cancer medicines viz. trastuzumab (Herceptin) and Rituximab(Mabthera), usedfor the treatment breast cancer and cancers of the lymphatic system known as non-Hodgkins lymphomas. The current price of these medicines is USD 300 and USD 4500 per month per patient. As per the announcement,Emcure,the Indian pharmaceutical company, would repack the medicines and market them in India. Development of such a business model depends on many factors. However, Roche has not announced the discounted price.
All companies are not in a position to use CL to introduce generic versions, because the applicant requires technological capabilities to develop the product. MNCs may prevent these companies from using CLs through a carrot and stick approach. Carrot comes in different forms like a voluntary licence with restrictive conditions, or in the form of strategic alliances or offers to buy out these companies at a higher price. Stick may come in as a series of litigations or propaganda or both against these companies globally. Propaganda may even come in the form special price for Indian consumers.
Similarly, the issuance of CL from the Patent Office is not the end of the story; in a way it is the beginning of protracted legal battle till the final decision from the Supreme Court. Thus companies with certain resource base and patience can make use of CL provisions. Bayer has already made its intention to challenge the decision of the Patent Office before appropriate forum.
Further, there are still legal uncertainties in the CL provisions of the Patents Act. These legal uncertainties include the lack of time limit to dispose CL applications or the ceiling on royalty or the stringent conditions accompany with CL, etc. This may prevent companies from using CL. Therefore, further fine-tuning of the legal provisions either through amendment of the legal provisions or rules or precedents are required to increase the level of confidence among applicants. It is also relevant to note that there is no fresh CL application before the patent office.
The information asymmetry may prevent potential CL applicants from using CL provisions. Often a single medicine would be covered with multiple patents; hence it is important to identify the relevant patents.
There are two important factors viz. current alliance with Big Pharma and exposure in the developed country marketsthat would influence the decision of the Indian pharmaceutical company to choose CL path, which is believed to be confrontationist. Currently, many Indian pharmaceutical companies have strategic alliances with Big Pharma primarily for contract manufacturing. This may prevent those companies to rub the Big Pharma on the wrong side by seeking CL. Similarly, those companies whichare generating maximum revenue from the developed country markets may be reluctant to use CL fearing backlash in the developed country markets.
In the absence of a credible public sector capability in the pharmaceutical production, access to affordable medicines in India is completely dependent on the ability and willingness of the private sector to make use of CL provisions. Therefore, it is important for the Government of India to create an enabling policy environment to encourage the Indian pharmaceutical companies to make use of CL provisions. However, the immediate task before the government is to defend the decision, both inside and outside the court, to resist the propaganda and the potential legal challenges to CL provisions at the national and international forums.

Thursday, May 10, 2012

Cornered Maoists strike with abductions


Sangita Jha/Raipur

Maoists have clearly taken the role of blackmailers. After setting on abduction spree, Maoists are dictating their demands to the government. Some in government are of the opinion that the abduction spree of Maoists is desperate measures in desperate situations. This is for the reason that the security forces are closing in on them, while the government is showing the glimpse of development works to tribals.

Maoists who practice the art of guerilla warfare must have desperately sought breather from the continuous security operations deep into the forest. By setting off on an abduction spree, they have clearly ensured a kind of "ceasefire" for the moment. This helps them in regrouping, fine-tuning their strategy and at the same time asserting their positions among the tribals.
There are about 20 districts in the country, which are said to be in strong control of the naxals. These districts are in southern Chhattisgarh, western Odhisa and southern Jharkhand. The Maoists call these districts a "liberated" zone. However, there are 78 districts, which the government recognises being naxal infested, and are administered through Integrated Action Plan (IAP).
Sukma was the recently carved out as a district from Dantewada which is considred the den of the Maoists in Chhatisgarh. Sukma happens to be the most southern part of Chhattisgarh too seen part of the "liberated" zone. Alex Paul Menon, 31 years old collector of Sukma, has all the zeal that one can associate with a young blood drafted into civil services only five years ago. Menon was abducted while he was going to a village to inaugurate a government centre there on a two-wheeler. Driver and a security guard were killed and Menon taken hostage.
Critics rushed in to suggest that Menon did not need to show such zeal to move around in a two-wheeler and should have been adequately secured. However, the gruesome fact is that just a few days before Menon was taken hostage the Bijapur collector, Rajat, was ambushed and he survived only because of the stroke of luck, as he had decided to sit in an another vehicle than the normal one. The Maoists ambused the vehicle, which Rajat should have been sitting in. This makes it very clear, that security or no security we are in a very difficult situation. In fact, most of the civil servants are said to be holed in their offices most of the time in these 20 districts across the three states. Menon was brave and tried to take government to the tribal villages.
Ask R Vineel Krishna, former collector of Malkangiri district in Odhisa, who was the first civil servant abducted in over two decades why it's so difficult to work in these areas. "The problem is of terrain, which is mostly hilly and forested. Most of the roads are mined," said Krishna. Clearly, Menon should not be faulted.
In the recent months, Maoists have taken to abduction as their new strategy in fact. They took two Italian tourists to hostage in Odhisa and alter on a legislator too. In a first of its kind, the Maoists took two Italians - Paulo Basusco and Claudio Colangelo - from Daringbadi area of Kandhamal district in Odhisa. Later on the Maoists abducted Jhina Hikaka, an MLA of the ruling BJD in Odhisa, from Narayanpur in Korapur district, which is also considred badly in the clutches of the naxals. Menon is also alleged to have been taken to Odhisa after his abduction.
While the Maosists have released two Italians, Hikaka and Menon continue to be in their captivity. Hikaka is likely to be tried in a "kangaroo" court of the Maoists. Krishna too was tried in a "kangaroo" court, where he was declared not "guilty" and was released.
Though the "kangaroo" court is a clear sham given the Maoists release their demands within hours of taking people hostage. In fact, the Maoists finding that the Odhisa government is agreeing to their earlier set of demands are further adding to their list of demands clearly following the adage, that when someone is bending make him crawl.
Same is true in the case of Menon also, as list of demands are now growing only, which includes sending security personnel to barracks permanently.
The Chhattisgarh government has named two negotiators from its side - Nirmala Buch and Suyoga Kumar Mishra, former chief secretaries of Madhya Pradesh and Chhatisgarh respectively - to talk to the mediators picked by the Maoists.
Human Rights activist and academician Hargopal and All India Adivasi Mahasabha president Manish Kunjam, former National SC and ST Chairman B D Sharma and Supreme Court lawyer Prashant Bhushan were named as negotiators by Maoists. Bhushan declined, saying that he did not like the idea of talking by putting gun the temple of somebody, though empathizing with the demands of the Maoists.
Notwithstanding the immediate challenge of freeing Menon and Hikaka from the clutches of the Maoists, the government is faced with the utmost task to free these 20 districts from the Maoist control.
Union minister of rural development Jairam Ramesh advocates "PDS" approach to deal with the Maoists. The PDS stands for political, developmental and security. So, the PDS in complete coordination can only defeat the Maoists.
Ramesh's prescription is not off the mark either. One just needs to look at Jangal Mahal in West Bengal where the Purulia and Bankura districts are also affected by the Maoists. However, the Maoists in Jangalmahal are strongly challenged by the local political leadership.
Jairam has praised Lok Sabha Shubendu Adhikari in particular for standing up to the challenge of the Maoists.
The Centre is in fact making efforts to implement this "PDS" approach. The move has begun by strenghening the Gram Panchayats so that the local leadership can be groomed.
Another move is in the form of the first batch of 152 young people currently being trained in Hyderabad for Prime Minister's Rural Development Fellowship (PMRDF) programme.
These young people would be working with the collectors in the 78 Left Wing Extremism (LWE) affected districts.
Krishna is of the view that even if 25 of these people choose to opt for a career in rural development there could be a strong beginning to expose Maoists' credentials, that the government neglects tribals.

Wednesday, May 2, 2012

विष रस भरा कनक घट जैसे

शिराज केसर

हाल ही में भारत के जल संसाधन मंत्रालय ने नई ‘राष्ट्रीय जल-नीति 2012’ का मसौदा जल विशेषज्ञों और आम नागरिकों के लिए प्रस्तुत किया है। यूं तो ये मसौदा सभी लोगों के लिए सुझाव आमंत्रित करता है लेकिन इसके पीछे की वास्तविकता कुछ और ही है। कई रहस्यों पर पर्दा डालती हुई और शब्दों से खेलती हुई यह जल-नीति इस बात की तरफ साफतौर पर इशारा करती है कि सरकार अब जलापूर्ति की जिम्मेदारी से अपना पल्ला झाड़ रही है और यह काम बड़ी-बड़ी मल्टीनेशनल कंपनियों और वित्तीय संस्थाओं को सौंपना चाहती है।

जलनीति के इस मसौदे को अगर देखा जाय तो पहली नजर में मन खुश हो जाता है। जलनीति में पहली बार जल-संकट से निजात के लिए एक एकीकृत दृष्टिकोण को महत्ता दी गई है। ऐसा लगता है कि साफ पेयजल और स्वच्छता के साथ-साथ पारिस्थितिकीय जरूरतों को भी प्राथमिकता दी गई है। पर जब इस मसौदे को हम गहराई से परखते हैं, तो साफ हो जाता है कि किस तरह से इसमें लच्छेदार भाषा का इस्तेमाल करके शब्दों का एक खेल खेला गया है। मसौदे के सोने जैसे घड़े में जहर भरा हुआ है यानी ‘विष रस भरा कनक घट जैसे’। कई महत्वपूर्ण तथ्य मसौदे से नदारद हैं। पानी को एक मौलिक मानवाधिकार के रूप में कोई विशेष महत्व नहीं दिया गया है जबकि इसके ठीक विपरीत संयुक्त राष्ट्र आम सभा ने जब 2010 में ‘पेयजल के मानवाधिकार’ का प्रस्ताव पारित किया था तब भारत ने पुरजोर वकालत की थी। लेकिन इस मसौदे में ऐसा कुछ भी देखने को नहीं मिल रहा है। और तो और पानी को एक बाजार की वस्तु बनाने के लिए कई तरह के सुझाव और तर्क दिए गए हैं। इतना ही नहीं जल-सेवाओं में सरकारी भूमिका को भी सीमित कर दिया गया है जबकि अगर हम बाकी दुनिया पर नजर डालें तो बाहर के देशों में जल-सेवाएं कंपनियों के हाथों से छीनकर वापस सरकारी क्षेत्र में लाई जा रही हैं। पर हमारी जल-नीति तो इन सेवाओं को पूरी तरह निजी क्षेत्र यानी कंपनियों को सौंपने पर आमादा है।

हालांकि कंपनियों को जल-सेवाएं सौंपना हमारे देश में कोई नई बात नहीं है लेकिन अफसोस तो यह है कि पानी जैसी बुनियादी जरूरत को निजी हाथों में सौंपा जा रहा है और वो भी जल संकट से उबरने और जल संरक्षण के नाम पर।

जगजाहिर है कि कंपनियां शुद्ध लाभ के लिए आती हैं न कि किसी समाज सेवाभावना से। मसौदा तो खुद ही पानी की पूरी कीमत वसूलने की बात करता है, तो फिर हम कंपनियों से यह उम्मीद कैसे कर सकते हैं कि उनमें कोई सेवाभाव होगा। अगर पानी की पूरी कीमत की बात आती है, तो इससे गरीब लोगों पर ज्यादा असर होगा। मसौदे में आम लोगों के पानी की बुनियादी जरूरतों के अधिकार को सुरक्षित किया जाना चाहिए था जबकि मसौदे में ऐसा कुछ भी नहीं कहा गया है।

जल उपलब्धता के साथ ही अब बड़ा मुद्दा है जल गुणवत्ता और उसके संरक्षण का। हालांकि मसौदे में इस बात पर अलग से कुछ भी चर्चा नहीं की गई है कि जल गुणवत्ता के लिए क्या कदम उठाए जाएंगे। हां इतना जरूर है कि उद्योगों से निकलने वाले अपशिष्ट के संशोधन और पानी के पुर्नउपयोग के लिए सरकार कुछ ‘इंसेंटिव’ देगी। यानी जो प्रदूषक हैं उनको सब्सिडी। इसका तो सीधा-सीधा मतलब यह निकलता है कि आप पानी प्रदूषण करने वाले कामों को सख्ती से रोकने के बजाय बढ़ावा दे रहे हैं। मसौदे का ‘पॉल्यूटर पेज’ का सिद्धांत भी इस बात की तरफ साफ इशारा करता है कि अपना मुनाफा ज्यादा से ज्यादा करने के लिए जितना चाहे पानी प्रदूषित करो, बस थोड़ा सा जुर्माना भरो और काम करते रहो। मसौदे में कहीं भी किसी भी ऐसे सख्त कानून या कदम की बात नहीं की गई है या ऐसे प्रयासों की बात नहीं की गई है कि अपशिष्ट और प्रदूषक पैदा ही न हों। ‘जीरो वेस्ट’ या ऐसी कोई भी तकनीक की तो कहीं बात ही नहीं की गई है। ये तो वही बात हुई कि चोर को घर की रखवाली करने के लिए कहा जाए। अगर इसी तरह की नीतियां पानी के बुनियादी अधिकार की रक्षा करने के लिए बनाई जा रही हैं, तो फिर अधिकारों की भक्षक नीतियां कैसी होंगी?

ऐसा लगता है कि इस राष्ट्रीय जल-नीति के मसौदे पर हाल ही में आई एक रिपोर्ट, ‘नेशनल वॉटर रिसोर्सेस फ्रेमवर्क स्टडी रू रोडमैप्स फॉर रिफॉर्म्स,’ का प्रभाव दिखाई देता है। इस रिपोर्ट के कई हिस्से हमारी राष्ट्रीय जल-नीति के मसौदे में दिखाई दे रहे हैं। इस रिपोर्ट को भारतीय योजना आयोग ने ‘2030 वाटर रिसोर्सेस ग्रुप (डब्ल्यूआरजी)’ से तैयार करवाया था। इस रिपोर्ट के प्रोजेक्ट को फाइनेंस ‘इंटरनेशनल फाइनेंस कार्पोरेशन’ ने किया। जबकि योजना आयोग के कई समूह जल प्रबंधन के विभिन्न आयामों पर रिपोर्ट तैयार कर रहे थे। इसके बावजूद भी विश्वबैंक के समूह की मदद से यह रिपोर्ट बनवाई गई। ‘इंटरनेशनल फाइनेंस कार्पोरेशन’ विश्वबैंक के ग्रुप का ही एक हिस्सा है, जो विकासशील देशों में निजी क्षेत्र की भागीदारी को मजबूत करने के लिए निवेश और सलाह देता है। डब्ल्यूआरजी यानी ‘2030 वाटर रिसोर्सेस ग्रुप’ इसी आईएफसी का ही एक हिस्सा और पब्लिक-प्राइवेट पार्टनरशिप है। आप को यह जानकर और भी हैरानी होगी कि इस डब्ल्यूआरजी को वित्त पोषित करने वाली बहुत-सी वित्तीय संस्थाएं और बैंक हैं। साथ ही डब्ल्यूआरजी के रणनीतिक साझीदार में मैक्केन्जी एण्ड कंपनी, कोकाकोला, पेप्सी, कारगिल, यूनीलीवर, नेस्ले, सैबमिलर जैसी मल्टीनेशनल शामिल हैं, तो अब आप ही समझ लीजिए जिनकी रणनीति तय करने वाले ऐसे महान साझीदार हों तो वहां से निकले हुए मसौदे किसके लाभ और अधिकार को पोषित कर रहे हैं। आम आदमी के या इन बड़ी कंपनियों के?

कैसे प्रभावित हो रही है जल-नीति

आने वाले समय में दुनिया में पानी का बंटवारा कैसे होगा इसको बड़े ही योजनाबद्ध तरीके से तय और प्रभावित करने की कोशिश की है डब्ल्यूआरजी ने। हालांकि सिर्फ भारत में ही नहीं बल्कि दक्षिण अफ्रीका, मैक्सिको, जॉर्डन, चीन और मंगोलिया जैसे देशों में भी इसने जल-नीति को बड़े ही कूटनीतिक तरीकों से प्रभावित करने की कवायद की है। देशों के जल और पर्यावरण मंत्रालयों के सरकारी अधिकारियों को डब्ल्यूआरजी मोहरा बनाती है। भारत में इसका निशाना कर्नाटक और महाराष्ट्र के राज्यों के साथ-साथ राष्ट्रीय योजना आयोग भी है। ऐसा लगता है कि राष्ट्रीय और क्षेत्रीय जल-नीतियों पर अपना प्रभाव छोड़ने का रास्ता बड़ी ही सफलता से तैयार कर लिया है। डब्ल्यूआरजी ने इस रास्ते पर चलने के लिए बड़ी ही चालाकी से कंफेडरेशन ऑफ इंडियन इंडस्ट्री (सीआईआई) और ‘काउंसिल ऑन एनर्जी, एंवायरन्मेंट एण्ड वॉटर (सीइइडब्ल्यू)’ के साथ साझीदारी की ताकि कर्नाटक में जल-नीति को प्रभावित किया जा सके। और अब इसकी गिद्ध दृष्टि केंद्र पर भी लगी हुई है। डब्ल्यूआरजी ने जिन-जिन देशों को अपना निशाना बनाया है वहां विशेष तौर पर यह कृषि-नीतियों खासकर फसलों के चयन और खेती में जल वितरण को प्रभावित करने में ज्यादा रुचि दिखाई है। इसकी वजह है डब्ल्यूआरजी के सदस्य और रणनीतिक साझीदार जो कृषि और खाद्य संबंधी व्यवसायों से ही जुड़े हुए हैं और शायद इसी से प्रेरित होकर हमारी जल-नीति के मसौदे में बार-बार ‘वॉटर एफिसिएन्ट’, ‘प्रोडेक्टिविटी ओरिएन्टेड’ कृषि जैसे शब्दों पर जोर दिया गया है।

कुल मिलाकर अगर हम देखें तो राष्ट्रीय जल-नीति का यह मसौदा सतही तौर पर जिन संकटों से उबारने की हमें बात करता है, वस्तुतरू आम लोगों को एक गहरी खाई में धकेलने की कोशिश है। कंपनियां ज्यादा मुनाफे के लिए आम आदमी का पानी छीन लेंगी। अभी तो हमने किसानों की आत्महत्याओं की खबरें देखीं और सुनी हैं लेकिन इन हालातों में वो दिन दूर नहीं जब हम पानी न मिलने की वजह से आत्महत्याओं का मंजर देखेंगे।

मल्टीनेशनल कंपनियां अब शायद अपने पारंपरिक उद्योगों में उतना मुनाफा और व्यवसाय नहीं देख रही हैं इसीलिए जल संसाधनों के वितरण में अपने लिए एक अहम बाजार देख रही हैं।

यहां यह भी नहीं भूलना चाहिए कि नीति का यह मसौदा जल-संकट से निपटने की बात तो करता है, पर देश में मौजूद बड़ी जलदृजमात को नजरअंदाज करता है जो प्रभावकारी जल प्रबंधन और जल संरक्षण के क्षेत्र में सक्रिय हैं। उनके पास वो जमीनी और व्यावहारिक ज्ञान है जिससे वो सच्चा बदलाव ला सकते हैं।

बात पानी के प्रयोग से संबंधित नियमों की है जो जीवन का एक अभिन्न हिस्सा है। ऐसे में नियमों को बहुत ही सावधानी से आम लोगों के साथ सलाह-मशविरा करके तय किया जाना चाहिए। प्रकृति की अमूल्य धरोहर जल-जंगल का समाज ही वारिस है न कि बड़ी-बड़ी मल्टीनेशनल और विश्वबैंक पोषित ग्रुप या संस्थाएं। यह सिर्फ एक मसौदे का सवाल नहीं बल्कि अरबों लोगों के जीवन का सवाल है।