Civil society rip-off

Sangita Jha/ New Delhi

Central government grants to civil society organizations found being used for building private residences

At a time when the government is banking more on non-governmental organizations to connect with people in remore areas, it's natural to ask if the objective is really being served. A number of representatives of the NGOs, claiming to be engaged in genuine works, often lament that their non-deserving siblings pocket the money. The nexus involving politicians, bureaucrats and NGOs is all known and is considered the root of the malaise.
The general refrain within the NGO circle, that there are too many black sheeps apong them, was confirmed in a recent random survey carried out by the Union ministry of tribal affairs. The conclusion arrived at after a number of field survey and examination of the official papers revealed that there is a serious malfunction in the delivery of the services for which the NGOs are paid by the government.
This is clearly a rude shock to the government, which is nowadays more inclined to nabk on the NGOs to fill the vacuum caused by the absence of the government machineries to areas not accessed by the state. The vacuum is more acute in the tribal areas. Sometimes the vacuum is also blamed for the rise in naxal violence.
Recent reports emanating from the Ministry of tribal affairs claimed that the officials having unearthed the malpractice wherein the NGOs have been getting funds from the government for over a decade but in return did nothing for which the grants were meant for. What was more startling was that the government funds, which should have improved the lots of the poor tribals, were rather helping the men and women running the NGOs in adding private residential assets.
The story is neither new nor strange. This has been happening with most of the Centrally sponsored schemes, including Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS). While the NGO heads were found building private residences out of the ministry grants, Union minister of rural development Jairam Ramesh has lamented the fact on numerous occasions that the Sarpanch and Mukhiya have been on buying spree of Scorpio (a sports utility vehicle) out of the NREGS funds.
In the case of the tribal ministry survey, it was found that bureaucrats changed rules to favour certain NGOs, who continued to receive funds from the Centre for almost a decade. The survey was apparently commissioned following several complaints from members of Parliament, and representations from grassroot NGOs. They lamented that though they were engaged in genuine works the Central funds were going into the hands of unscrupulous hands.
The reports claimed to have found evidences of people pocketing government funds but did not spend for the stated purposes. The officials stumbled upon a doctor couple running an NGO in Thoubal in Manipur, who had been getting the Central funds for about a decade for running a mobile dispensary for the purpose of distributing free medicines to tribals in the far flung areas but they actually were doing nothing and the van did not even exist. Everything was on paper. Of course the officials saw a van with a flat tyre and a beehive inside it. The tribals were definetly not getting free medicines. While there was no trace of log book for the visits to the tribals in the far flung areas, which were never taken up, the doctors did try to fool the officials by claiming that their computer was not functioning for want of power. However, an hour later the doctor couple was getting a logbook manually filled up in a tearing hurry only to be caught red-handed by the officials. Further enquiries revealed that the doctor couple had used the government grants to build their two-storied residential complex.
The flurry of inspection revealed several NGOs akin to one of the Manipur's doctor couple fleecing the government lakh of rupees every year. Interestingly, this was the first of its kind survey on the part of the ministry to find out what was happening with the funds released for the stated purpose of improving the lots of the tribals.
The government has not yet instituted an audit mechanism to keep a check on such practices.
However, there were genuine NGOs too, as revealed by the survey, who were engaged in projects in which tribal students were given free education, boarding and uniforms in schools. Therefore, the generalization must be avoided.
As far as the practice is concerned, the tribal ministry gives grants-in-aid to NGOs for welfare of scheduled tribes, including coaching and allied works. The NGOs get grants for schemes like starting residential and non-residential schools, hostels, 10-bedded hospitals, mobile dispensaries and computer-training centres. The Ministry of tribal affairs has an annual budget of Rs 10 crore dedicated only for helping out such NGOs.
The postmortem of the survey has also blown the lid on the modus operandi of the black sheeps among the NGOs, who connive with the state government officials so that new organizations are kept out from applying for the grants. This enables them to continue to receive funds and since there is no audit mechanism their deeds mostly go undetected. But the grant size which varies from Rs 25 lakh to Rs 5 crore is so big, that the Centre must sooner than later institute an audit mechanism, which would in fact be on the line of the Ministry of rural development's initiative to hand over the audit of the MNREGS to the CAG.
However, the tribal ministry now waking up after the schocker revealed by the random survey has decided to conduct an audit in the states affected by Naxal violence, including Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh.
Interestingly, the Centre has also unveiled National Rural Livelihood Fund, with an initial corpus of Rs 1,000 crore, to assist the NGOs to reach out the developmental programmes to the tribal areas. However, the Centre would be keenly awaiting the audit results of the NGOs in the tribals areas to take full-proof measures to ensure that the objectives of the National Rural Livelihhods Funds (NRLF) is not defeated.
The NRLF was established after the government realized that there are many blocks in the grip of the naxals where the government agencies can not enter and the only way out to help the poor tribals is by taking the help of the NGOs.
Clearly, the need is to institute mechanism to sift the black sheep among the NGOs out of the system so that those who are genuinely carrying out their works are not denied funds, while at the same time the pace of reaching out the benefits to the neglected lots is also expedited.

झारखंड के आदिवासी समाज सुनाता है मृत्युदंड की सजा

शैलेन्द्र सिन्हा

झारखंड के आदिवासी समाज में आज भी परंपरागत कानून के अनुसार दोषी को सजा -ए मौत का फरमान सुनाया जाता हैं। संताल परगना में संतालों के परंपरागत शासन व्यवस्था के तहत दिशोम मांझी (सवौच्च अदालत) की बैठक में आरोपी को यदि दोषी करार दिया जाता है तो उसे नक्सली के तर्ज पर खुले मैदान में भारी जनसमुह के बीच सजा सुनाई जाती है। दिशोम मांझी यदि किसी व्यक्ति को बिटलाहा (सामाजिक बहिष्कार) का निर्णय सुनाती है तो उस व्यक्ति को जिंदा जला देने के साथ उसके घरों में आग भी लगा दी जाती है। पंचायत के फरमान के विरूद्व नेता और समाज सुधारकों की नहीं चलती है, दिशोम मांझी के निर्णय को आजतक किसी ने चुनौति नहीं दी है। पंचायत के फरमान पर गोड्डा जिले की दो महिला को जिंदा जलाया गया है। दुमका जिले के रामगढ़ प्रखंड के हेठग्रहण गांव में 30 मार्च 2012 को दिशोम मांझी पंचायत की बैठक में दो लोगों को मौत की सजा देने की घटना ने सभ्य समाज को सोचने पर विवश कर दिया कि विज्ञान के युग में भी हम ऐसे कु्रर फैसले ले सकते हैं। हेडग्रहण गांव में दिशोम मांझी की बैठक में दुमका, गोड्डा और पाकुड़ जिले के लगभग 700 ग्राम प्रधान और ग्रामीण उपस्थित थे। परंपरागत पंचायत व्यवस्था दिशोम मांझी की बैठक न तीन व्यक्ति को परंपरानुसार बिटलाहा का निर्णय लिया और उन तीनों मशः भीम मुर्मू, शंकर किस्कु और बेटका किस्कु को सजा-ए-मौत सुना दी। बैठक में उपस्थित उग्र भीड़ ने आरोपी तीन में से दो को लाठी और पत्थरों से मार डाला, गांव के आरोपी सहित दर्जनों घरों में आग लगा दी गई। एक आरोपी बेटका किस्कू घटना स्थल से किसी तरह भाग कर अपनी जान बचाई और घटना की पुरी कहानी एस पी,दुमका हेमंत टोप्पो को सुनाई। बेटका ने बताया कि हेठग्रहण गांव में मौत की सजा जिसे दी गई, उसमें उसका बेटा शंकर भी शामिल है। इस कांड में बेटका ने अपनी संलिप्तता से इंकार किया है। शंकर को पुलिस ने रामगढ़ थाने में तत्काल रहने का आदेश दिया है। पुलिस को अबतक इस कांड में कोई सफलता नहीं मिली है। पुलिस सिर्फ दिशोम मांझी की बैठक को आहुत करानेवाले आनंद टुडू के विरूद्व प्राथमिकी दर्ज की है। पुलिस प्रशासन को घटना से पहले जुटनेवाली भीडका अंदाजा था,बावजुद इसके कोई ठोस कदम नहीं उठाये गए। हेठग्रहण गांव में सन्नाटा पसरा हुआ है, मर्द गांव छोड़ चुके हैं। प्रशासन प्रभावित परिवारों के बीच राहत सामग्री दी है। परंपरानुसार दिशोम मांझी की बैठक के पूर्व संताली गांवों में एक डंडा जिसमें सखुआ के पत्ते में तेल लगा होता है, उसे लेकर एक व्यक्ति नगाड़ा बजाता हुआ बैठक की सूचना आस-पास के गांवों को देता है और लोग जुटते हैं। पुलिस प्रशासन कई बार ऐसी घटना को रोकने में विफल रही है। वर्ष 2003 में गोड्डा जिले के महुआसोल-औड़ाटाॅड की घटना दिल दहला देती है जिसमें पंचायत के फैसले के अनुसार दो महिलाओं को जिन्दा जला दिया गया था। झारखंड के संताल परगना में दिशोम मांझी के फैसले सवौच्च न्यायालय की तरह होते हैं, पुलिस भी इस झमेले में नहीं पड़ती, सिर्फ खानापुरी करती है। राज्य महिला आयोग की पूर्व सदस्या डां. लुईस मरांडी ने इस घटना को अमानवीय करार दिया और कहा कि समाज के ऐसे निर्णय से समाज में कटुता बढ़ेगी। विधान सभा में रामगढ़ में दो की हत्या मामला गरमाया, सरेआम पंचायत द्वारा ऐसे फैसले पर चिंता प्रकट की, सरकार कार्यवाही करेगी।

Panchayat reservation pangs in Jharkhand

In the three-tier panchayat system in Jharkhand having 53,207 posts, more than 105 posts of Mukhiya that were reserved for the Scheduled Tribes have remained vacant over the years as there were no nominations.

These panchayats fall in the state’s Scheduled areas in traditional tribal dominated districts like Ranchi, Latehar, East Singhbhum, West Singhbhum, Lohardagga, Palamau, Gumla and Simdega. They were reserved for the Scheduled Tribes in accordance with the law in 1978.

Following the notification of the panchayat polls results, the State Election Commission (SEC) has compiled data showing the law has overlooked the considerable demographic change that these panchayats have undergone over the years. This suggests migration of the tribals in large numbers. Within the Scheduled areas (tribal-inhabited areas incorporated under Schedule V of the Constitution) of the state tribals were no longer in the majority. In fact, they were in minority in these panchayats. For example, in Sasang, out of a total electorate of 2,409, there were only 41 tribals. This was the case in several other seats as well.

So now the demand for some groups in the state is members of the majority non- tribal communities in such panchayats must have non-tribal mukhiyas. The SEC, on its part, wants the state government to de-reserve these posts in order to constitute the panchayat by holding polls there afresh.

A Glimpse into Adivasi Worldview

Narendra /Bastar


Bastar enjoys a unique culture, peopled as it is by a number of Adivasi communities -- Murias, Marias, Garhwas, Halbas, Baigas, Pankas, Gandas, Bhatras, Pardhis and Pikes-- each with its distinctiveness and way of life. Its people share certain commonalities and a worldview central to all local cultures here; the veneration of nature – water, forests, land and open spaces on which life is dependent – a regard for community values and traditions, ecological practices, recognition of the interdependence between different communities and peoples, and a refreshing spirit.

It is imperative to attend to the adivasi as a non-modern social group, its rhythms and flows of indigenous and self-sustaining villages, social structures, governance, livelihood, ecological economy –as also the grave challenges of disintegration and marginalization through incorporation into the rapidly globalizing world.

Compulsions to move away from a self-sustaining ecological mode of living to the compulsions of negotiating survival on the margins of market economy is an issue that needs a re-look. Livelihood, sustainability, forest rights, ethnicity etc need to be addressed from the adivasi perspective, of how much value he/she places in them; as also his/her cultures of protest against their hijacking. While planning for social change, welfare, sustainability, social justice, rights etc, the tendency to club the adivasi with other groups as dalits, women, fishermen, farmers, artisans, or as yet another ‘interest-group’ has invariably worked to the disadvantage of adivasis.

Many a time civil society itself defines issues too narrowly, presumes that the adivasi world is of a certain kind, adopts simplistic hypothesis, or seeks certainty rather than understanding. This adds to the prevalent understandings and misinformation campaigns about the community on one hand, and its marginalization on the other. Insofar as it is resisting modernity, Bastar still continues to be, even though in decreasing measure, an extension of the community, its culture, values, beliefs, aspirations and worldview. It signifies about the last and strongest resistance by the adivasi because it involves some basic truths and undefined impulses inherent in their living as against those represented by the ‘scientific, managerial and technocratic’ temper. To the modern temper the adivasi community is a disorderly combination of elements with identities lost and distinctions nebulous: a failure to behave predictably in line with the powerful outside world.

The distinction between the Adivasi discourse, which rests on uncertainty, unpredictability, the distinction between Adivasi discourse and the modern discourse, is clear as daylight. To associate Adivasi with such forests is doing injustice. He has lived in his own and not State-owned forest. Modern forest is a social artifact, a civilisational and political artifact, with known sights, smells and sounds, exactitudes and certitudes, like an industry, with a very systemic product, a commodity. Everything in the state owned forest is a commodity. It is meant to produce like industry, it is meant to be consumed, to be exploited and above all it needs state intervention and a whole apparatus of modernity to be conserved.

It is imperative to change the lexicon, idiom and meanings which one conveys while speaking of the life of the adivasi. It is a language whose meanings the indigenous life of Adivasis is forced to comply with, meanings that are foreign to this way of life and not sustaining it but imposed on it from outside.